Unbelievable Admission on Algerian TV

In an unprecedented move, Rachid Agoudjil, president of the Coordination of Algerian Elites, has publicly revealed a comprehensive strategy aimed at planting Algerian influence agents within French institutions. The two-pronged approach targets both the medical establishment and local politics, with Agoudjil justifying these efforts as a necessary response to perceived French hostility.

Compromised French Citizens as Algerian Assets
At the heart of this strategy explicitly stated, lies a plan to infiltrate France’s medical system by gaining control of departmental councils within the Order of Doctors. Initially targeting four departments with plans to expand to ten, Agoudjil aims to leverage the significant presence of Algerian doctors in France. Parallel to this, the strategy seeks to increase Franco-Algerian representation in local politics, with Agoudjil citing the mayoralty of Azzédine Taïbi in Stains as a success story, despite Taïbi’s ongoing investigation for misconduct and sexual harassment allegations filed by a young 27 years old male collaborator.
The strategy follows a similar pattern by Karim Zéribi, a former European Parliament member who received a two-year suspended sentence and substantial fines in 2021 for misusing public funds. Through his organizations, Agir Pour la Citoyenneté and APC-Recrutement, Zéribi diverted resources for personal and political gain, including campaign activities during Marseille’s 2014 municipal elections. Despite these legal troubles, Zéribi maintains influence in French-Algerian discourse, which was funded by Djebbar Mehenna (the head of the Algeria DDSE) and a war criminal, to infiltrate the Algerian diaspora.
A Congress That Never Took Place
The CMDA, founded by Karim Zéribi, promised significant initiatives, including a major Algiers Congress in April 2024 with over 1,000 expected attendees and 2,700 pre-registrations, which was postponed to late 2024 and remains unrealized. In contrast, a modest event in Strasbourg drew only 120 participants, far from the organization’s ambitious claims. Key commitments, such as creating a global diaspora directory, establishing a help desk in Algiers for entrepreneurs, and opening a Brussels headquarters for lobbying, have not meterialized. Despite initial promises of uniting the Algerian diaspora and driving economic development, the CMDA’s progress has fallen short, raising questions about its credibility, and initial intention. Ilyas Laribi (aka Abdou Semmar), tried to clear Karim Zéribi of his proximity to the Algerian military regime.
Exploiting Divisions In French Politics
This infiltration campaign aligns with broader fabricated tensions orchestrated by the military regime of Algiers to deflect attention from its alleged involvement in war crimes. A key element of this deflection strategy is the implication of several French political parties—La France Insoumise, the Communist Party, and Europe Ecology – The Greens—accused of courting the Algerian-French voting bloc. The Grand Mosque of Paris, under the leadership of Chemseddine Hafiz, allegedly plays a central role in these operations. Hafiz was received twice by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, including a meeting before the parliamentary elections. During this period, Tebboune made a pointed statement to the press, subtly warning that Algeria has dual citizens and an electorate in France, a veiled threat in case France considers suspending the 1968 agreements.

Chemseddine Hafiz agent of influence of the Military Regime of Algiers in Paris.
This also coincides with increased international scrutiny of Algeria’s human rights record, marked by the recent disappearance of novelist Boualem Sansal and a campaign against writer Kamel Daoud, where Marion Marechal stated that Algeria is a “thugocracy” or a “thug state”. These events highlight the regime’s broader strategy of “capturing” the diaspora and french domestic politics, silencing critics while attempting to deflect attention from alleged war crimes committed by its leadership, made of 5 generals: Mohamed Mediene, Said Chengriha, Abdelkader Haddad, Hamid Oubelaïd et Djebbar M’henna (recently dismissed).
Full-Scale Hybrid Warfare in France to Deflect Scrutiny
The regime’s approach represents a textbook classic of hybrid warfare, which combines disinformation, social manipulation, and the exploitation of political divisions. We demonstrated how through propaganda figures like Ilyas Aribi (aka Abdou Semmar), Mohamed Larbi Zitout, and misleading outlet like El Khabar, the military regime of algiers projects an image of omnipotence while orchestrating kidnappings and intimidation campaigns across Europe such as the failed ones on Amir Boukhors in Paris in April 2024, and Hichem Aboud in Barcelona in October 2024.
However, these violent tactics backfire on the military regime of algiers, composed of senile military leaders, who don’t realize how disconnected from reality they are in 2024, and are drawing increased scrutiny from NATO, from French, Spanish, and European Union parliaments, as well as the UN Security Council.
As investigations intensify, particularly into incidents like the abduction of Hichem Aboud in Barcelona, the five key military leaders in power: retired Mohamed Mediene, Said Chengriha, Abdelkader Haddad, Hamid Oublaid, and Djebbar Mehenna (recently dismissed), face scrutiny and the prospect of international legal accountability for war crimes and breaches of the Geneva Conventions.
This includes allegations such as the assassination of Mohamed Boudiaf by Mohamed Mediene, accused by his son Nacer Boudiaf; war crimes attributed to Chengriha as detailed in Habib Souaidia’s book; Lotfi Nezzar’s alleged involvement in the abduction of Hichem Aboud by a narco-criminal organization in Spain; Sergeant Chef Houari’s video testimony accusing Abdelkader Haddad and Hamid Oublaïd of extrajudicial assassinations; the assassination of Larbi Bennacer, a military judge who was investigating Mohamed Medien’s involvement in extrajudicial assassinations; Guermit Bounuira’s video on Said Chengriha’s involvement in Ahmed Gaid Salah’s assassination and narco-trafficking; and accusations of military corruption and contract trafficking against Said Chengriha revealed in Toufik Bennacer’s (the son of Larbi Bennacer) leaked videos. Furthermore, questions are arising about the 26 senior military leaders currently in jail under Said Chengriha’s authority.
This is why there is a violent and aggressive media campaign against intellectuals and journalists, aimed at stifling criticism and deflecting scrutiny from the war crimes of these individuals. By spreading division, polarizing intellectuals, and waging a full-scale hybrid war both domestically and abroad, this offensive strategy seeks to avoid accountability and forestall further investigations into their actions.