Five Proofs Algeria’s Military Regime is Russia’s Puppet

Algeria’s military regime projects an image of strength, parading its supposed sovereignty with the bravado of a bodybuilder flexing in a cracked mirror. They boast regional dominance, extravagant defense budgets, and “strategic autonomy.” Yet, beneath the surface lies a marionette, its strings firmly held by Moscow. From abstaining at the UN during critical votes on Russia’s aggression to dispatching envoys in a show of deference to the Kremlin, the junta’s claims of independence are more theater than reality.
In reality, far from being a sovereign, the regime operates as a submissive follower, tethered to Vladimir Putin’s ambitions. As we explore five telling examples of this dynamic, the irony becomes glaringly clear: a government that postures as a leader on the world stage is, in truth, unable to move without Moscow’s guiding hand.
We will list five proofs from the last five years, showing how the Military Regime of Algiers is Russia’s Puppet. These are just the starkly public announcements and documented actions, one can only speculate about the hidden dealings beneath the iceberg, within the intelligence sphere, and non-mediatized humiliations kept secret.

1- The Hirak (2019): Reporting Back to Putin
In October 2019, amid the Hirak protests that ousted long-time President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Algeria’s interim president Abdelkader Bensalah rushed to Moscow to reassure Vladimir Putin that “the situation is under control.” Instead of focusing on the domestic demands for political reform, the military regime’s priority was securing external validation. This trip to Moscow showed Algeria’s dependence on Russia for its regime’s survival, and the lack of independent governance in Algiers.

Putin smirking at Abdelkader Bensalah after he was told that “the situation is under control” on October 24, 2019 in Sochi:
“I’ve come to tell you and reassure you that the situation is under control.”

Putin, likely amused by Bensalah’s assurances and the humiliating subservience on display, smirked at the spectacle of a regime that, despite its outward posturing, was so clearly dependent on Moscow for political survival. The scene was a striking illustration of Algeria’s lack of true sovereignty—where the military junta, rather than addressing the needs of its own people, scrambled to secure Moscow’s approval to maintain power. The visit made it abundantly clear that, when confronted with internal unrest, Algeria’s military rulers preferred to report back to the Kremlin than face the pressing demands for reform at home.

2- The Ukraine War and Russian Weapons (2022):

The Ukraine war exposed critical flaws in Russia’s military technology, with failure rates for precision-guided missiles reportedly reaching up to 60%. Algeria, which relies on Russia for over 80% of its military arsenal, was thrown into disarray as sanctions disrupted a $7 billion arms deal and Moscow redirected resources to Ukraine. Forced to scramble for alternatives, Algeria raised its defense budget to $23 billion and sought new suppliers in France and Brazil.

However, its overdependence on Russian weaponry not only left its military vulnerable but also cast doubts on the quality and reliability of its arsenal, particularly as Morocco’s U.S.-backed military modernization further widened the regional power gap. In fact Algeria’s reliance on Russian weapons is such that the U.S. Senator Marco Rubio called for sanctions against Algeria under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), arguing that Algeria’s arms purchases directly supported Russia’s war machine. In his letter to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Rubio noted that Algeria’s influx of funds enabled Russia’s destabilizing actions, urging immediate sanctions designations. This heightened scrutiny, coupled with Algeria’s diminishing military credibility, exacerbated public dissatisfaction, showcasing the risks of tying its defense strategy too closely to a faltering Moscow.

Algeria’s arms imports from 2018 to 2022 were overwhelmingly supplied by Russia (73%), highlighting a heavy reliance exposed by the Ukraine war and ensuing sanctions. U.S. Senator Marco Rubio’s September 14, 2022, letter to Secretary of State Antony Blinken urged sanctions against Algeria, emphasizing its significant arms purchases from Russia as funding Moscow’s destabilizing actions and the Ukraine war.

Algeria supports Russian invasion of Ukraine and is silent about it: At the United Nations, Algeria abstained from key votes condemning Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, including the March 2, 2022 resolution A/ES-11/L.1 denouncing the invasion, the October 12, 2022 resolution rejecting Russia’s illegal annexation of Ukrainian territories, and the February 23, 2023 resolution A/ES-11/L.7 demanding Russia’s withdrawal from Ukraine. These abstentions reflect Algeria’s unwillingness to challenge Moscow, even in the face of clear violations of international law. Algeria has demonstrated that its foreign policy is dictated more by its subservience to Moscow than by principles of sovereignty or international justice.

UN Security Council March 2, 2022 resolution A/ES-11/L.1 denouncing the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Algeria abstained to condemn it. UN Security Council February 23, 2023 resolution A/ES-11/L.7 demanding Russia’s withdrawal from Ukraine, Algeria abstained from demanding it.

3- The Wagner Mutiny (June 2023): An almost-Coup That Terrorized Algiers

When Yevgeny Prigozhin’s Wagner Group staged a mutiny against the Kremlin, marching toward Moscow, authoritarian regimes worldwide held their breath, including Algeria. The Algerian military regime, which models its centralized power structure on Russia’s, panicked at the possibility of similar uprisings within its ranks, a wave of arrests and muzzling of the military command in Algeria was then carried out by Saïd Chengriha.

The mutiny highlighted the fragility of authoritarian systems reliant on loyalty and coercion. For Algeria, it was a stark reminder of the dangers of over-dependence on Russia’s political stability. The regime’s alignment with Moscow suddenly seemed more like a liability than an asset.

General Sergei Surovikin, nicknamed “General Armageddon”, publicly reappears at the Abdelhamid Ben Badis mosque in Oran, Algeria, on September 14, 2023. Dressed in quasi-civilian “paramilitary” garb and accompanied by uniformed Russian servicemen, he was received by Imam Abou Abdallah Zebar before visiting the Santa Cruz fort, organized by the Russian Ministry of Defense, and giving a lecture.

After being arrested by the FSB and missing since the mutiny of June 2023, Wagner linked General Sergei Surovikin reappeared at the Abdelhamid Ben Badis Mosque in the port city of Oran, Algeria in September 2023. The General, who is accused of war crimes in Syria and Ukraine, was later discreetly installed as technical staff at the Russian Embassy in Algiers in November 2023, eventually becoming the “unofficial” ambassador. His role centered on managing “technical cooperation” between Algeria and Russia, effectively serving as a liaison for military and intelligence collaboration.

4- Humiliation for the BRICS (June 2023): Clumsy flattery that surprised even Putin

Algeria’s failed attempt to join the BRICS highlighted the regime’s dependence on Russia’s waning influence. President Tebboune’s flattering statement calling Vladimir Putin a “friend of humanity” during his visit to Moscow was intended to win Russian support. However, BRICS membership decisions are based primarily on economic criteria. This misunderstanding of geopolitical fundamentals underlined the ignorance of the military regime in Algiers, which relied on Russian support rather than on building and strengthening its economy to join the BRICS.

President Tebboune’s remarks during his visit to Moscow in June 2023 demonstrate a series of critical diplomatic missteps. Referring to Vladimir Putin as “measured” is factually questionable, given Russia’s aggressive foreign policy, including its war in Ukraine and annexation of Crimea. Such excessive praise undermines Algeria’s image as an independent actor and portrays Tebboune as overly subservient rather than engaging as an equal. Claiming that Russia “allowed” Algeria to “try to mediate” in the Ukraine conflict further diminishes Algeria’s sovereignty and suggests a subservient alignment with Russia’s interests. Tebboune’s declaration that Putin is “a friend to the whole world” not only ignores the geopolitical realities of Russia’s actions but is also blatantly inappropriate, given that Putin has been wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) since March 2023 for war crimes related to the unlawful deportation of children from Ukraine. Even Putin himself appeared visibly surprised in the video following Tebboune’s statement, highlighting its overreach and detachment from reality. Aligning Algeria’s diplomatic philosophy with Russia’s contentious image risks isolating Algeria from key global actors, particularly Western powers, and narrows its diplomatic options at a time when diversification of alliances is crucial.

Vladimir Putin’s reaction when Tebboune declared him “a friend to the whole world.”

Tebboune’s statement to Putin during his visit to Moscow on June 15, 2023, where he declared, “The preservation of our independence comes with strong assistance from friendly Russia in arming us and defending our freedom,” starkly contradicts the very essence of sovereignty and independence. Sovereignty inherently implies a state’s ability to make decisions and defend itself without external dependence or control. By explicitly linking Algeria’s independence to Russian assistance, Tebboune fundamentally undermines this principle. Sovereignty that hinges on external military aid is, by definition, not sovereignty in its true sense. By crediting Russia with preserving Algeria’s freedom, Tebboune effectively elevates Russia to the role of Algeria’s protector rather than an equal partner, signaling a subservient relationship. Tebboune’s statement reinforces the perception of Algeria as a vassal state to Russia, reliant on Moscow’s support to maintain its security and sovereignty. Such an admission not only diminishes Algeria’s standing as a self-reliant actor but also inadvertently undermines the credibility of its own military. Acknowledging this dependence, Tebboune raises serious questions about Algeria’s ability to defend itself without external intervention, further highlighting the fragility of its claimed independence. Thus, leading us to the next proof: the fall of the Assad regime (December 2024): Algiers in panic seeks Moscow’s help.

5- The Fall of the Assad Regime (December 2024): Algiers in Panic Requests Russian Help

The collapse of Syria’s Bashar al-Assad, a close ally of both Algeria and Russia, marked another blow to Algeria’s fragile alignment with Moscow. Leaked intelligence revealed that Algerian military officials had collaborated with Syria to suppress uprisings, including the technical assistance in counter-revolutionary tactics aimed at framing opposition movements as terrorism. The exposure of these covert operations left Algeria scrambling to manage the fallout, including potential international sanctions, tarnishing further its international image, especially after being called out in three parliaments and in the UN Security Council for its human rights infringements.

In a desperate bid to contain the damage, Algiers dispatched an emissary to Moscow immediately after Assad’s regime fell, urgently seeking support to reestablish contact with Assad and understand the factors behind the regime’s collapse. Discussions reportedly included exfiltration routes for Algerian mercenaries and military special forces still active in Syria, the recovery of sensitive intelligence files leaked from Syrian government facilities, and offering new ground for Russian military bases. Algeria also seeks Russia’s backing at the United Nations Security Council in the event of increased scrutiny on its own regime.

These actions show the desperation to contain the fallout, particularly after leaks implicated senior Algerian figures, including Chafik Mesbah and Mohamed Mediene, in Syrian war crimes. The regime’s desperation culminated in a failed $100 million bribe to Syria’s new leadership to normalize relations. This diplomatic humiliation underscored Algeria’s weakening influence and inability to maneuver independently without Moscow’s backing.

Russian Delegation Visiting Tebboune on December 19, 2024, to Prepare for the next strategic moves after the fall of the Assad regime

Amid this crisis, on December 19, 2024, a high-level Russian delegation, led by Mikhail Bogdanov, the Russian Deputy Foreign Minister and special representative for the Middle East and Africa, visited Algiers. Accompanied by Vice Minister of Defense Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, the delegation held discussions with President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and senior Algerian officials, emphasizing the “strategic level” of Algerian-Russian relations. Topics included regional stability (read between the lines: Wagner presence and Polisario), military cooperation (read between the lines: additional weapon contracts and Russian access to Algerian bases for Sahel operations), and crisis management in light of the Assad regime’s collapse (read between the lines: political assistance, UN Security Council shielding from human rights abuses, and support in propaganda efforts). Despite reaffirming bilateral ties, the visit underscored Moscow’s concerns over Algeria’s growing vulnerability, the imminent risk of regime collapse, and potential prosecution of Algeria’s military leadership before international courts for war crimes.

These five clear examples from the past five years show that Algeria’s military regime postures as a heavyweight on the global stage, flexing its “strategic autonomy” with all the conviction of a middleweight punching above its class, yet its actions repeatedly expose a servile dependence on Moscow, akin to a puppet whose strings are pulled with precision by the Kremlin. Whether abstaining from condemning blatant acts of aggression at the United Nations or scrambling to Moscow to salvage diplomatic scraps, the junta’s sovereignty proves as hollow as its rhetoric is grandiose. The irony is almost poetic: a regime that trumpets independence is tethered to a declining superpower, navigating global crises with the agility of a marionette caught in a gale, unable to chart its own course without Moscow’s shadow looming large. For Algeria’s military leaders, sovereignty is less a guiding principle and more a well-worn prop in a long-running puppet show that leaves little room for applause.

By: Abderrahmane Fares.